The shocking fall of communism in Eastern and Central Europe in .
the late eighties was remarkable for both its rapidity and its scope. .
The specifics of communism's demise varied among nations, but .
similarities in both the causes and the effects of these revolutions.
were quite similar. As well, all of the nations involved shared the .
common goals of implementing democratic systems of government and .
moving to market economies. In each of these nations, the communist .
regimes in power were forced to transfer that power to radically .
different institutions than they were accustomed to. Democracy had .
been spreading throughout the world for the preceding two decades, but .
with a very important difference. While previous political .
transitions had seen similar circumstances, the actual events in .
question had generally occurred individually. In Europe, on the other .
hand, the shift from communism was taking place in a different context .
altogether. The peoples involved were not looking to affect a narrow .
set of policy reforms; indeed, what was at stake was a hyper-radical .
shift from the long-held communist ideology to a western blueprint.
for governmental and economic policy development. The problem .
inherent in this type of monumental change is that, according to .
Ulrich K. Preuss, "In almost all the East and Central European .
countries, the collapse of authoritarian communist rule has released.
national, ethnic, religious and cultural conflicts which cannot be .
solved by purely economic policies" (47). While tremendous changes .
are evident in both the governmental and economic arenas in Europe, .
these changes cannot be assumed to always be "mutually reinforcing".
(Preuss 47). Generally it has been theorized that the most successful .
manner of addressing these many difficulties is the drafting of a .
constitution. But what is clear is the unsatisfactory ability of a .
constitution to remedy the problems of nationalism and ethnic.