In the case of Indira Gandhi too, the role of these leaders who formed the infamous 'Syndicate' at the time was vital, although for entirely different reasons altogether. We will be investigating the specific contexts in the case of each leader. One exercise we will try to pursue in this context would be to contrast them with the rise of women politicians like Uma Bharti whose increasing prominence was part of the rise of Hindu nationalism in the country. The paper will subsequently address some of the problems with existing studies on the 'teen deviyan' (Bose 2011). .
Mayawati's brand of politics has been criticized by many scholars are being opportunistic and therefore no longer a movement of and for the dalits (Teltumbde 2007). While there may be some merit to such arguments, we problematize their simplistic nature and try to locate the underlying ideological and political processes that are at work. Sudha Pai (1997) provides an interesting analysis of this issue. Sudipta Kaviraj (1986) provides an excellent analysis of Indira Gandhi's politics. In this paper, we'll critically engage with his arguments and extend them, insofar as it is feasible, to the cases of the other three politicians. The personalization of authority occurred at a very fundamental level in each of the cases so as to alter the social, cultural and political fabric of our country. Kaviraj's analysis of the politics of substituting a program with a personality is extremely important for our paper, which happens to be a preponderant cultural practice. His analysis with respect to Indira Gandhi will be extended to the cases of the other three women politicians, particularly Jayalalithaa. .
The overwhelming popularity enjoyed by these figures, despite allegations of massive corruption and nepotism, will be a key focus of our analysis in the subsequent sections, examining a range of examples from the 1971 election Supreme Court verdict on Indira Gandhi to the recent disproportionate assets hearing of Jayalalithaa.
