Liu Shaoqi was one of the main leaders of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. He was a great organizer and had much experience in communist politics. While he worked agreeably for 20 years with Chairman Mao Zedong in common cause for the great Chinese proletarian revolution in the 1960s, Liu certainly had potential to become Mao's successor. However, in Mao's eyes Liu Shaoqi was too passive, consistently trying to mediate conflicts, rather than fighting through them. The differences in their political thought and approaches ultimately led to Liu's fall and denunciation as a "renegade, hidden traitor, and scab." .
Mao Zedong was a proud, melodramatic man. His imagination was "vivid and original," and he was undoubtedly more popular with the mass audience. It is no wonder that the two leaders clashed, because on the other side of the spectrum stood Liu Shaoqi, a reserved and contemplative man whose politics were characterized by "tactical flexibility and strategic rigidity" (172). According to Liu Shaoqi, Mao was "illogical in his approach to problems, stubborn and lacking in self-cultivation." (172). Unlike Mao, Liu did not let personal factors interfere with his dedication to the revolution. Neither his own feelings nor his family played any part in his professional life, whereas Mao's "have often affected his decisions in matters of policy, causing unnecessary deviations in the implementation of governmental policy" (31). Consequently, Liu Shaoqi's political plans and goals were far more realistic than those of Mao Zedong's.
Mao's philosophy of ideological purity, or "redness," was what led him to the disastrous Great Leap Forward Plan of 1958. In 1957, a vast campaign began to encourage the rural communities to transform their town lives by self-initiated development. Subsequently, in mid-1958, the communes were created as an appropriate planning framework for this effort, as all-purpose local administrations staffed for the most part by leaders paid by the communities themselves and responsible to them.