"The greatest trial in history," as Sir Norman Birkett referred to the Nuremberg Trials, was an attempt to achieve justice for an unprecedented scale of the crime. Despite the fact that the legitimate legitimations for the trials and their procedural developments were questionable at the time, the Nuremberg trials are currently viewed as a point of reference to the foundation of a changeless worldwide court, and an imperative point of reference for managing later occurrences of genocide and different violations against humankind.
As the war achieved its end in 1945, the Allies had gotten to be mindful of shocking monstrosities that had occurred in Eastern Europe. The shock created by these horrifying revelations prompted a noise amongst the Allies that those mindful ought to be conveyed to account alongside those in the Nazi chain of importance who had battled as a rule. Henry L. Stimson, U.S. Secretary of War, was the person who demanded a trial that would uncover the Nazi's wrong doing. "Stimson told former President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in September 1944, that the trial would be "the most effective way of making a record of the Nazi system of terrorism and of the effort of the Allies to terminate this system and prevent its recurrence." As he regularly did on issues of high affectability, Roosevelt delayed to confer himself. Like this, the Allies neglected to illuminate their expectations at the Yalta Conference in mid-1945" (Marcus). .
At that point, on April 12, Roosevelt kicked the bucket. His successor, Harry Truman, immediately acknowledged the knowledge of a trial, in light of a model proposed by the War Department, and he persuaded the British, the Russians, and the French, who were brought into the exchanges. Taking after understanding at a fundamental level at the United Nations establishing gathering in San Francisco, specialists from the four possessing powers met in London in June to work out the subtle elements.