Ryberg used data and empirical data to support his argument that police get no higher returns from stop and search practices when race is used as a primary factor. Ryberg further argued that the increase in racial profiling by law enforcement officer leads to increase in crime in the community. Another source of racial profiling is the general public perceived effectiveness and approval of discrimination in order to improve public safety. Following the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States of America, many Americans hold the general opinion that muslims imposes an immense threat to society. Shaun L. Gabbidon, George Higgins and Mathew Nelson, gathered public opinion of randomly selected Pennsylvanian regarding their support for racial profiling at airports (Gabbidon, Higgins, and Nelson 2012). They concluded that most participants in the research acknowledged that profiling was occurring at the airport but argued against the practices.
Many researchers argued that the indiscriminate stop and search of Blacks and Hispanic by law enforce officer in the 1980s and 1990s was based on the profile that Blacks and Hispanic were more likely to traffic drugs. Such perception produced scores of traffic stops for minor violations under the guise of drugs and the fruits from drug trafficking claimed D.A. Harris (Harris, 2002). Many researches argued that law enforcement officers systematic used of racial profiling affected predominant innocent Blacks were becoming trapped in this new policing strategy (Del Carmen, 2008; Harris, 1999; Russell, 1998; Milovanovic & Russell, 2001; Withrow, 2006).
Police officers and members of the criminal justice system frequently used race as an organizing principle to explain why and where crime is committed. The decision to stop and search is mostly based on the discretion of the officer. The officer's judgment is usually based on their scope of understanding and association of race to certain crimes based on profiles.